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According to R.M. Lee, in the final stage of the development of filial piety, it is a means to realize one's ethical ideals.Social scientists have done much research about filial piety and related concepts. It is a highly influential factor in studies about Asian families and intergenerational studies, as well as studies on patterns. Filial piety has been defined by several scholars as the recognition by children of the aid and care their parents have given them, and the respect returned by those children. Psychologist K.S. Yang has defined it as a 'specific, complex or set of cognition, affects, intentions, and behaviors concerning being good or nice to one's parents'.
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As of 2006, psychologists measured filial piety in inconsistent ways, which has prevented much progress from being made.Filial piety is defined by behaviors such as daily maintenance, respect and sickness care offered to the elderly. Although in scholarly literature five forms of have been described, multi-cultural researcher has added eight more to that, to fully cover the traditional definitions of elder respect in Confucian texts:. Care respect: making sure parents are comfortable in every single way;. Victual respect: taking the parents' preferences into account, e.g. Favorite food;. Gift respect: giving gifts or favors, e.g. Painting with scenes from.
Kano Motonobu, 1550Psychologists have found correlations between filial piety and lower socio-economic status, female gender, elders, minorities, and non-westernized cultures. Traditional filial piety beliefs have been connected with positive outcomes for the community and society, care for elder family members, positive family relationships and solidarity. On the other side, it has also been related to an orientation to the past, resistance to cognitive change, superstition and fatalism; dogmatism, authoritarianism and conformism, as well as a belief in the superiority of one's culture; and lack of active, critical and creative learning attitudes.
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Ho connects the value of filial piety with authoritarian moralism and cognitive conservatism in Chinese patterns of socialization, basing himself on findings among subjects in Hong Kong and Taiwan. He defines authoritarian moralism as hierarchical authority ranking in family and institutions, as well as the pervasiveness of using moral precepts as criteria of measuring people. Cognitive moralism he derives from social psychologist, and means a 'disposition to preserve existing knowledge structures' and resistance to change. He concludes that filial piety appears to have a negative effect on psychological development, but at the same time, partly explains the high motivation of Chinese people to achieve academic results.In family counselling research, filial piety has been seen to help establish bonding with parents. Ho argues that the value filial piety brings along an obligation to raise one's children in a moral way to prevent disgrace to the family.
However, filial piety has also been found to perpetuate dysfunctional family patterns such as child abuse: there may be both positive and negative psychological effects. Francis Hsu made the argument that when taken to the level of the family at large, pro-family attitudes informed by filial piety can lead to nepotism, corruption and eventually are at tension with the good of the state as whole.In Chinese parent–child relations, the aspect of authority goes hand-in-hand with the aspect of benevolence.
Many Chinese parents support their children's education fully and do not allow their children to work during their studies, allowing them to focus on their studies. Because of the combination of benevolence and authoritarianism in such relations, children feel obliged to respond to parents' expectations, and internalize them. Ho found, however, that in Chinese parent–child relations, fear was also a contributing factor in meeting parents' filial expectations: children may not internalize their parents' expectations, but rather perform roles as good children in a detached way, through –role dissociation. Studying Korean family relations, scholar Dawnhee Yim argues that internalization of parents' obligations by children may lead to guilt, as well as suppression of hostile thoughts toward parents, leading to psychological problems. Jordan found that despite filial piety being asymmetrical in nature, Chinese interviewees felt that filial piety contained an element of reciprocity: '.
It is easy to see the parent whom one serves today as the self who is served tomorrow.' Furthermore, the practice of filial piety provides the pious child with a sense of adulthood and moral heroism. History Pre-Confucian history. Buddha image with scenes of stories in which he repaid his parents., ChinaFilial piety is an important aspect of since, and was essential in the apologetics and texts of. In the such as the and, filial piety is prescribed and practiced in three ways: to repay the gratitude toward one's parents; as a good karma or; and as a way to contribute to and sustain the social order. In, narratives are given of the and his practicing filial piety toward their parents, based on the qualities of gratitude and reciprocity.
Initially, scholars of Buddhism like Kenneth Ch'en saw Buddhist teachings on filial piety as a distinct feature of Chinese Buddhism. Later scholarship, led by people such as and, has come to believe that filial piety was part of Buddhist doctrine since.
Strong and Schopen have provided and textual evidence to show that early Buddhist laypeople, monks and nuns often displayed strong devotion to their parents, concluding filial piety was already an important part of the of early Buddhists.When Buddhism was introduced in China, it had no organized celibacy. Emphasized filial piety to parents and loyalty to the emperor, and Buddhist monastic life was seen to go against its tenets. In the 3rd–5th century, as criticism of Buddhism increased, Buddhist monastics and lay authors responded by writing about and translating Buddhist doctrines and narratives that supported filiality, comparing them to Confucianism and thereby defending Buddhism and its value in society. The referred to, as well as historical precedents to respond to critics of Buddhism. The Mouzi stated that while on the surface the Buddhist monk seems to reject and abandon his parents, he is actually aiding his parents as well as himself on the path towards enlightenment. ( c.300–380) further argued that monks were working to ensure the salvation of all people and making their family proud by doing so, and stated that Buddhists practiced filial piety by with their departed relatives. Buddhist monks were also criticized for not expressing their respect to the Chinese emperor by and other devotion, which in Confucianism was associated with the virtue of filial piety.
(334–416) responded that although monks did not express such piety, they did pay homage in heart and mind; moreover, their teaching of morality and virtue to the public helped support imperial rule.From the 6th century onward, Chinese Buddhists began to realize that they had to stress Buddhism's own particular ideas about filial piety in order to for Buddhism to survive., Sujāti and other Buddhist stories of self-sacrifice spread a belief that a filial child should even be willing to sacrifice its own body. The introduced the idea of through the story of and led to the establishment of the. By this Buddhists attempted to show that filial piety also meant taking care of one's parents in the next life, not just this life.
Furthermore, authors in China—and to some extent Japan—wrote that in Buddhism, all have once been one's parents, and that practicing to all living beings as though they were one's parents is the more superior form of filial piety. Another aspect emphasized was the great suffering a mother goes through when giving birth and raising a child. Chinese Buddhists described how difficult it is to repay the goodness of one's mother, and how many mothers often committed in raising her children. The mother became the primary source of well-being and indebtedness for the son, which was in contrast with pre-Buddhist perspectives emphasizing the father. Nevertheless, although some critics of Buddhism did not have much impact during this time, this changed in the period leading up to the revival, when Emperor (841–845) started the, citing lack of filial piety as one of his reasons for attacking Buddhist institutions.Filial piety is still an important value in a number of Asian Buddhist cultures. In China, Buddhism continued to uphold a role in state rituals and mourning rites for ancestors, up until late imperial times (13th–20th century). Also, and narratives about filial piety are still widely used.
The Ghost Festival is still popular in many Asian countries, especially those countries which are influenced by both Buddhism and Confucianism. Late imperial period. Woodblock print with illustration of., early 1730s.During the 17th century, some missionaries tried to prevent Chinese people from worshiping their ancestors. This was regarded as an assault on Chinese culture.During the, however, filial piety was redefined by the emperor (1654–1722), who felt it more important that his officials were loyal to him than that they were filial sons: civil servants were often not allowed to go on extended leave to perform mourning rituals for their parents. The parallel conception of society therefore disappeared from Chinese society.Unlike western societies, and its enactment in law grew more strict in late imperial China. The duties of the obedient child were much precisely and rigidly prescribed, to the extent that legal scholar argued about this period that it 'engendered a highly authoritarian spirit which was entirely alien to Confucius himself'. Indeed, the late imperial Chinese held patriarchalism high as an organizing principle of society, as laws and punishments gradually became more strict and severe.But during the same time, in Japan, a classic work about filial practices was compiled, called Biographies of Japanese Filial Children (: Fu San Ko Shi Dan).
19th–20th century During the rise of communism in China in the early 20th century, Confucian values and family-centered living were discouraged by the state. During the of 1911, Chinese intellectuals and foreign missionaries attacked the principle of filial piety, the latter considering it an obstruction of progress. In Japan, filial piety was not regarded as an obstacle to modernization, though scholars are in disagreement as to why this was the case.
Francis Hsu believed that 'the human networks through which it found concrete expressions' were different in Japan, and there never was a movement against filial piety as there was in China. The late imperial trend of increased patriarchalism made it difficult for the Chinese to build strong patrimonial groups that went beyond kin. Though filial piety was practiced much in both countries, the Chinese way was more limited to close kin than in Japan.
When industrialization increased, filial piety was therefore criticized more in China than in Japan, because China felt it limited the way the country could meet the challenges from the West. For this reason, China developed a more critical stance to filial piety and other aspects of Confucianism than other East Asian countries, including not only Japan, but also Taiwan.
In the 1950s, 's socialist measures led to the dissolution of family businesses and more dependence on the state instead; Taiwan's socialism did not go that far in state control.Ethnographic evidence from the 19th and early 20th century shows that Chinese people still very much cared for their elders, and very often lived with one or more married sons. Developments in modern society In 21st century-Chinese societies, filial piety expectations and practice have decreased. One cause for this is the rise of the without much co-residence with parents. Families are becoming smaller because of and housing shortage. Other causes of decrease in practice are individualism, the loss of status of elderly, emigration of young people to cities and the independence of young people and women.
To amplify this trend, the number of elderly people has increased fast.The relationship between husband and wife came to be more emphasized, and the extended family less and less. Kinship ties between the husband and wife's families have become more bi-lateral and equal.
The way respect to elders is expressed is also changing. Communication with elders tends to be become more reciprocal and less one-way, and kindness and courtesy is replacing obedience and subservience. Care-giving.
Stone headrest with scenes of filial piety, (1368–1644)In modern Chinese societies, elderly care has much changed. Studies have shown that there is a discrepancy between the parents' filial expectations and the actual behaviors of their children. Especially the discrepancy with regard to respect shown by the children makes elderly people unhappy. Industrialization and urbanization have affected the practice of filial piety, with care being given more in financial ways rather than personal. But as of 2009, care-giving of the young to elderly people had not undergone any revolutionary changes in Mainland China, and family obligations still remained strong, still 'almost automatic'.
Respect to elders remains a central value for East Asian people.Comparing data from the 1990s from Taiwan and PRC, sociologist concludes that Taiwan, despite this being an economically more modern nation than China, the elderly often received less government support, but received more assistance from their children than in China. Work ethos and business practices In mainland China business culture, the culture of filial piety is decreasing in influence. As of 2003, western-style business practices and managerial style were promoted by the Chinese government to modernize the country. However, in Japan, employees usually regard their employer as a sort of father, to which they feel obliged to express filial devotion.
Relation with law. See also:In some societies with large Chinese communities, legislation has been introduced, to establish or uphold filial piety. In the 2000s, Singapore introduced a law that makes it an offense to refuse to support one's elderly parents; Taiwan has taken similar punitive measures. Hong Kong, on the other hand, has attempted to influence its population by providing incentives for fulfilling their obligations. For example, certain tax allowances are given to citizens that are willing to live with their elderly parents.Some scholars have argued that medieval China's reliance on governance by filial piety formed a society that was better able to prevent crime and other misconduct than societies that did so through only legal means. East Asian immigrants Chinese who immigrate to the United States generally continue to send money to their parents out of filial piety. See also.Notes.
Ebrey, Patricia Buckley. A Visual Sourcebook of Chinese Civilization. Retrieved 12 January 2012., passim., pp. 78, 84., pp. 2–3. ^., p. 46., pp. 179, 186–7. ^, p. 267.
^, p. 33. ^, p. 15., p. 158. ^, p. 25. ^, p. 63. ^, p. 350. ^, p. 159. ^, p. 31., pp. 158–9.
^, p. 486. ^, p. 180. ^, p. 48. ^, p. 355. ^, p. 13., p. 68. ^, p. 61.
See, p. 24), and, p. 187). Only Kwan mentions love. ^, p. 159. See, p. 16) and, p. 187). Only his 2001 article mentions the seats and gifts. ^, pp. 15–6.
^, p. 14., p. 17., p. 18. ^, p. 24., pp. 16–7., p. 1. ^, p. 269.
^, p. 62., p. 92–4., pp. 270. 《孝經》:“‘身體髮膚,受之父母,不敢毀傷,孝之始也。’”. Xiaojing: 'Confucius said to Zengzi: 'Your body, including hair and skin, you have received from your father and mother, and you should not dare to harm or destroy it. This is the beginning of xiao.' '.
See, p. 256)., p. 102, note 56) offers this rendering in English., p. 278., p. 84., p. 93. ^, p. 95., p. 320.
^, p. 252. ^, p. 2., p. 100, n.2., p. 23, quote: 'Xiao xun, the Chinese term for filial piety, commands the younger in the family to be respectful (i.e., xiao) and obedient (i.e., xun) to one's parents and other elderly members related to the family'., p. 98., p. 92., p. 91., p. 165., p. 123.
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